Não Vai Ter Golpe! O Nascimento de um Brasil Livre!

Não Vai Ter Golpe! O Nascimento de um Brasil Livre!


“History will be kind to
me, as I intend to write it.” – Winston Churchill This process is a scam! Everyone who is here, faced it out. Yes to Dilma Rousseff’s removal! I am ready to resist! 2002. Lula, leader of the Brazilian
Workers Party (PT), becomes President. The union left celebrates,
the PT tactic was calculating. To achieve victory, Lula signed
the Letter to the Brazilian People, calming down market forces. The success of the Real Plan
keeps interest rates low and the currency stable,
guaranteeing growth, but behind the curtains,
PT subverted democracy. In 2005, the petista
“monthly bribe” bought the congress to make their wishes. With the connivance of the
opposition, Lula stays unharmed. Popular, few journalists
dare to face him. It was then, time to advance
the strategy to Latin America. Across the continent, far-left
parties were uniting to form the so-called great homeland,
thus was born the Forum of São Paulo. Parties and movements allied
with criminal organizations like the FARC and the Chilean MIR.
Hugo Chaves opened fire on protesters in Venezuela, Lula used the
BNDES coffers to finance his dictator friends. But in 2010, Lula makes his biggest mistake,
indicates a puppet for presidency: Dilma Rousseff.
Hard-headed, uncharismatic, Dilma was not a leader,
but the last straw was yet to come. In 2012, Dilma decided to found
the New Economic Matrix. The state stimulated credit,
without reducing public spending and with no gains in
productivity. It was impracticable. The economic crisis, associated with the corruption cases,
unleashed chaos in the country. The republic was sold, Brazil
was going down the drains and the people to the streets. MARCH FOR FREEDOM
The Fall of Dilma Rousseff What is going on now,
Kim Kataguiri? PT is trying to save Dilma’s
political rights… – It’s happening now, already?
– Yeah, right now. Guys, I want everybody raving
for this moment. The story behind this small group
of people is not exactly usual. It all starts at the kitchen
of my house back in 2013, with me and my brother, Renan. We spent years working on
things we didn’t like. Me, who aspired
to be a youtuber in 2005, ended up taking care of
the financial sector of companies with financial difficulty. Not exactly heaven on earth. I didn’t complete my college,
I didn’t make money. I took some lawsuits.
Actually, several lawsuits. Written by: Alexandre Santos and
Fred Rauh. And I gave up, I decided to
open a film production company and left my parents and my brother,
who was in an even worse situation. Renan was an exemplary student
in all the colleges he attended. Entered Law School in São Francisco
square, the best in the country, he was mom’s favourite. But instead of studying, he began
to get involved in student politics. Skiped classes to organize his own
academic party and had a pleasure in defeating PT, in the years
when being petista was trendy. But life isn’t perfect. When he intended to be president
of August 11th, the top academic center of the country, Renan suffered
a coup and someone else was elected. He was really down. Dropped out of
his party, dropped out of college and promised never to get
involved with politics again. He became a frustrated businessman
and spent years without direction, managing lawsuits and businesses
with no future. He was destined to failure. Redactor: Renan Santos. Until the 2013 rallies came, and with them, his
reencounter with politics. Renan and a few friends stole, that’s
right, stole a left-wing protest and together with the São Paulo
Public Prosecution Service, led the fight for the end of PEC 37 which deprived the investigative
power of prosecutors and attorneys. The act was a success and
Congress rejected the proposal; and let’s make this very clear:
if PEC 37 passed, there’d be no Lava Jato,
there’d be no “Out with Dilma”, there’d be no Lula in jail,
there’d be nothing, even this documentary
wouldn’t exist. Production: Gabriel Sândolo, Alexandre
Santos and Fred Rauh. By then, I was venturing into the
world of audiovisual and was in one of my attempts to
score a client that I met Pedro, a curious figure of
the Brazilian musical scene. Pedro D’eyrot, raised in Curitiba, was another one who dropped out
of college. The reason? He created a funk band. That’s
right, Pedro and his friends mixed Rio rhythm with rock riffs
and electro samples; and created a kind of
funk for exportation. It exploded! With hits like: “Solta o frango”,
“Maria Gasolina”, “Picolé” and “Vida Loka”, Pedro toured the
biggest festivals in the world. Got famous, earned money and returned
to Brazil to discover and produce new artists such as Banda Uó and
even drag queen Pabllo Vittar. Original Soundtrack:
Rodrigo Basso and Thomaz Pimentel. I tried to film a music video with
him, but Pedro didn’t have big plans for my attempt at producing. Just
called me to film some clumsy videos, way too clumsy, for an embarrassing
boyband he used to manage and it was for one of these videos
that I called Fred to help me. Graduated from ESPM, Fred is a
factory of aesthetic references. German from Blumenau, he
wandered the alternative scene in São Paulo and
knew how to edit videos. It was thanks to him that we
developed a very particular language. By the way, he’s directing
this documentary with me. Directed by: Fred Rauh and
Alexandre Santos. Along with Fred, I also brought
Gabriel, who was my classmate at film school and a successful
actor for children’s audience. Between one character and another,
he helped us in the productions. But things didn’t stop there,
Pedro needed composers for the series of exotic musicians he
discovered. That’s when I called Renan, who besides being a frustrated
politician, is a great composer. We hit it off and decided, the three
of us, to set up an office together: Me with a video production company,
Pedro and his bands and Renan with his political projects, which
were already beginning to bear fruit. Poping up on the countyside, were
the branches of our micro liberal movement, “Renova”, it was
through it that we met Rubinho, our eternal lawyer and
political guy from Vinhedo. Rubinho didn’t understand
much of Pedro’s oddities, but whatever, he liked
Renan’s audacity. VFX and Motion Designer:
Gustavo Moreti. It was through Rubinho that
we got our first client: a Clark-Kent-faced realstate
broker named Paulo Batista. Paulo was a candidate for
state deputy from PRP, a party stuck in the past. He had a moving hope that he
would win the elections and he wanted something
kinda old fashioned. We accepted, but on one condition:
do everything our way. That’s when our first memes,
nonsense videos and press appearances popped up. All of this, with the
reinforcement of Rafael Rizzo, a kid who had a peculiar way
of talking, but understood everything about Twitter; he became
the commander of our social networks and one of the world’s
leading experts on the subject. With the team formed, we explored
everything we had around us, we made Paulo fly, fight
with Nunchaku, and got covered by New
York Times and even HBO. It was a very fun time, but not
everything that glitters is gold. The first round was over, we
didn’t elect Paulo Batista, but we almost got famous.
It was something. Still, we had one last mission: How do we prevent Dilma from
winning in the second round? We had an idea:
thanks to the Batista campaign, we met Danilo Gentili, yes,
Gentili. He declared his vote on
our candidate and ended up becoming sort of a friend. We agreed to make a video with him.
But for that, we needed a script. And to write that script
we thought of a Japanese. There was a naughty kid who
made videos on YouTube commenting on liberalism. I thought he was kind of a
weirdo, he looked Vietnamese. His name: Kim Kataguiri Kim was that kind of super
smart boy that you only see on teen movies. You know those oriental nerds
who solve complex problems and build robots?
Kim was that. He dropped out of college
and moved, bag and baggage, to our office, believing that Gentili’s
video could be of great success. “I am Danilo Gentili and this is the
Brazilian Bolivarian Republic News.” And indeed the video
went really well, we had a lot of fun doing it,
editing and publicizing. But when Sunday came, the result
was not what we expected. Let’s go live now to Brasilia,
at 9:31 pm Sunday night when Dilma Rousseff was re-elected
President of the Republic for the next four years. These images are live. Dilma! Dilma! Dilma! From a hotel in the federal capital
where the president, now reelected, will make her first speech
as an election winner. She’s alongside former President
Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. We will find the strength and
legitimacy required at this time of transformation, to move forward
with our political reform. Thanks to my slate-mate and
all-time partner, my vice-president Michel Temer. Michel! Michel! Michel! Chapter 1:
THE CALL. 10 pm, Alexandre freaked out. In an outbreak of anger over Dilma’s
victory, he created an event with Renan calling for a demonstration. “Either Dilma leaves or São Paulo
gets out.” An event that would change
brazilian history. We have to fight for the
democratic institutions of our country, which we took
time to establish, for them to – overthrow the government!
– Our flag will never be red! São Paulo has to take
initiative today, all of us, to start this movement
on the streets, push our institutions,
defend the press because “Veja” was attacked… “Abril’s building is sprayed in
protest against “Veja” report.” Out with PT!
Out with PT! It is our first mission… We were in a post-election hangover,
but there were already groups meeting on the internet,
Facebook and everything. I met Kim there, on the Liberalism
group and groups like that. We didn’t want the mess that
were the 2013 rallies with lots of different agendas, it was “out with
Calheiros”, “out with anything!”, and we said: “No, let’s have a
sound truck, let’s have a clear lead, because that way we can have
concrete political results “. And when we saw, someone else had
mirrored the event, with the same text and it also went viral,
and we check to see who was this guy and it was
Marcello Reis from Revoltados Online. Revoltados Online is a
movement that was born from the people to the people. In 2010, we decided to go to social
networks and automatically the people focused on politics;
I didn’t even understand politics. We laid down in
front of the truck, so the truck wouldn’t be
able to move. If there’s any responsible
law enforcement to help us here, because it’s probably
someone from PT trying to fuck with the demonstration! We tried to stop the
truck from moving because the audience was also ours. The intention was to get rid of the
Revoltados, and for that we walked to the Monument to Flags,
next to Ibirapuera Park. The united people will
never be defeated! “Protest in São Paulo calls
for Dilma’s impeachment and military intervention.” It was over a thousand, much
more than “about a thousand” which Folha later reported. So, already on Twitter, I said:
“look, guys, that’s funny, right? Both guys from Folha and Estadão
interviewed the same dude asking for military intervention in
the midst of two thousand people.” They were militants working for
the press, publishing things to defame the movement. You have no control, people are going
to the street, you can have people asking for all sorts of craziness,
including military intervention, which is an obscenity. We came to the street because of the
press, because of the democratic institutions that PT tries to buy. – What a shame, Folha!
– Sold out Folha! Sold out Folha! We are here for the
democratic state of rights! I went to get the truck
I had rented to cross with MBL in front of Ibirapuera, and in
the end it was great because both trucks were there,
in the monument, in Ibirapuera. We both agreed that
each one would talk a bit. Then began hatred and love between
Revoltados Online and MBL. It was clear that brazilians were not
satisfied with the result of the elections and wouldn’t go
home to think about football, beer and Big Brother. November, 1st 2014 happened
mainly in São Paulo, it was the largest, but it also happened in
Porto Alegre and meven a smaller one in Goiânia, with Silvio. Somehow,
this group of people spread throughout Brazil, in Porto Alegre
Fábio and Marcel, Silvio in Goiânia and us in São Paulo was the
embryo of what came to be The Free Brazil Movement (MBL),
which was once a Facebook page, that was run by Fábio and Juliano
Torres, that gained strength, political expression with
this group of people who went out in the streets
on November 1st. They can defend whatever they want.
We are a free country, at least for now, and we will continue
the first day agenda, press the Congress to
continue the investigations of the partisan use
of the State’s assets. The Federal Police did an
excellent job yesterday, arrested 16 people,
arrested Dirceu’s godson. Federal Police arrests Dirceu’s
godson and business executives. There was a strategy, especially
from Olavo de Carvalho, to make a scheme between
military intervention with the Revoltados and us asking for impeachment,
as if it was a dialectic, and this dialectic could work well in
his mind, but with the formation of the public opinion and the press
coverage was going to be a disaster. We concluded that we needed
more civil society agents, more middle class looking
people, precisely to hinder this press attempt
to defame us, and then we remembered those
guys that during the elections made several pro-Aécio demonstrations,
had managed to bring lots of people to the streets, so we went after them. It was the meeting of lots of people
that were outraged with what was happening. Dilma’s mischiefs were getting bigger,
also the oil corruption case, right? Scandals began, the Mensalão
had already happened. I met the boys myself, Collin and
Checker on the street, and then we put our two trucks side by side and
we made the first demonstration together, I think it was about 50,
70 thousand people. Because Brazil does not belong to PT! Brazil is ours! We are living an anti-democracy today! We had to get rid of Marcello,
the press tried to say we were militarists and he wasn’t helping. What was the plan? Marcello and
his giant truck could not move, so we joined with “Come To
The Streets” Movement(VPR) and went to the Sé Square. anyone who wanted could come
with us, anyone who didn’t, could stay with Marcello. Come back! It’s full of…
[inaudible] If you to go to Sé Square, it’s their responsibility.
We’ve to stay here at Paulista Avenue, ok?
We have to stay in Paulista! And then we had to go down
with the Cannibal (truck) and get stuck in the
city center with it because it did not pass,
this MBL guys only mess up. The people would choose
the course of the protests. I said this the other day and we
have to remember: we will not fight for military
intervention, our intervention is popular! Let us, the people,
intervene in our institutions and protect them from the greatest
enemy we’ve ever had! I got on the truck. Renan
was talking, already tired, the only one talking. He didn’t even say hi to me,
he just gave me the microphone. We won’t make a petista
feel ashamed of himself, that’s impossible! What we can do is
to wake up the other half of Brazil that is numb and still
hasn’t come here today. So we have no time to waste,
we have to do what they’ve done in the past, which is to be
militant 100% of the time. We have to be Brazilian
100% of the time! This is how we will prevent
our country from having a damn red flag that they
like so much. No, we will preserve our democracy,
we’ll preserve our freedom, we will
preserve our colors. Brazil counts on us and we
will not disappoint our country. Many thanks to all
who came here today! Stolen from the communist party
is using that little Japanese, named Kim, and using some other guys.
Don’t fall for that! Shall we name them?
It’s the VPR Movement and a movement of the so-called “Free
Brazil Movement”. It was these both bastards who broke the deal
and came to the Sé square. But we will settle at Paulista
on the 29th. We are together, and together we are stronger. We always had a problem,
cause they had a parasitic relationship with us. They knew they were
smaller but they kept sticking to the same events, to try to show
that their worldview was big. After this demonstration,
there was kind of a crack, because they were pissed
anyway, right? They decided to schedule, to
our delight, a demonstration that
they would go alone. Marcello made a demonstration then,
on the 29th, that wasn’t very big and we went on December 6th,
along with VPR again, with a consistent audience. The so called opposition
is weak… The ones who are truly
fighting for our country is us! It’s all of you who are on
the street here today! They are expropriating and they
will take everything that is ours if we
keep doing nothing. Very proud to see that,
though there were other influence groups
there, who was the perceived leader? MBL.
Who had the strongest ideas, clear to the population? MBL.
The ideas of freedom. The year ended with style, MBL put
“Fora Dilma” even on the beach. Concerned about the
emergence of a new right-wing, the Free Pass Movement returned
to the streets in a failed attempt to steal popular outrage. But
what really was drawing attention, was the Lava Jato operation. Federal police launched Operation
My Way in January. Their target, João Vaccari, is
former PT treasurer. Weeks later, he would be arrested. Meanwhile, the climate in Brasilia
was getting warmer. Eduardo Cunha in the first round, 267 for Eduardo Cunha, 136 for
Arlindo Chinaglia, 100 for Júlio Delgado and 8 for PSOL’s Chico Alencar.
In a minute… We watched, as we really did,
an attempt by the Executive Power, at this time of ellections,
to intervene on the elections of the Legislative Power. He dominates the environment on
Congress and he has the condition of fronting another power. When this PMDB force splits
between Michel(Temer) and the President of Congress, who
was Eduardo Cunha, this climate that was,
at first, of great cohesion, was wearing out
almost in a daily basis. In the history of parliament,
it is very rare for you to have a President of the Congress
in opposition to the Federal Government,
this is very difficult and when it happens, When it happens,
surprises can happen too. Chapter 2:
THE CONTAGION. March 15th came to me when on a
weekend I received a stream of WhatsApp, calling for a
demonstration that spoke about Dilma’s impeachment and the
same time about the water crisis. As we know, we work with
polarized politics, you can’t put these two elements together,
even more so in 2015. Who’s sending this?
What’s the point of this? And looking at the entire context,
what did we start to see? That in other countries, in Greece,
in Spain, what was the dynamic? You had a left wing party
that was ruling, this left wing party implement his ideas,
broke the economy, then a more radical leftist
party and said: “Look, this left wing party is
corrupt, this party broke the country. In fact, we need more
leftism to solve “. The main idea was: let’s say we
sent this WhatsApp chain, sent a press release, made a release
and announced on our Facebook page, that we were
the authors of the March 15th. The left, as they created a narrative
along with the press back there, tried to mark us as a return of
the dictatorship, back from the military, we managed to create
this ideological shield in the impeachment thesis and that
drove away the left for all the things they put
on us, later they couldn’t log in. They even wanted
to join sometimes, and they couldn’t do it anymore. There were several weeks of
preparation for the demonstration, several months, by the way.
Because we settled the date on March 15th, I think
it was when Ives Gandra released his thesis in February or
January? It was early in the year. When I examined her
earlier statements, all that was on a scale
of tampering, budgets and promises of non-fulfillment,
but mostly, All the failures, all that
happened without her having shown probity in the
administration, it is quite true that was from her previous mandate
but by keeping Graça Foster for the second term, which
represents a continuity of everything that happened to Petrobras,
I saw that there was impeachment possibilities. What? Administrative improbity?
What’s that, ma’am? Did you know that Dilma used
to call Graça Foster “Gracious”? Then came Lava Jato and
showed to the distracted that “Gracious” knew all about
Cervero’s illegalities, the Duke, the petista
gang, who used all the money from Petrobras. And Dilma, what did she do? The one that signed the
Pasadena refinery negotiations. What did she do facing this
scandal? Nothing. Our dear “Pasadilma”, re-elected
by the distracted, used the broad distraction
of the people and kept Gracious in
the presidency of Petrobras. This is not feminism, Brazil, this is
a crime, a liability crime! To the streets, Brazil! Or you gonna stay there,
finding Gracious funny? Let’s go! Out with Dilma!
Out with Dilma! There was, at that time, a period of
great tension with VPR Movement, the VPR wanted to impose that March
15th was a narrative of fight against corruption, and MBL
and Revoltados Online didn’t. We said: “This is for impeachment,
we want this government to fall.” You can’t make a political demonstration
and call people to the street to fight for an abstract ideal, right?
You have to fight for a tangible ideal, You have to have a tangible victory. So the impeachment is a tangible
political victory, it’s a goal that the Political class is capable
of delivering. And then we decided not to
formally adhere to impeachment, we adhered to “Fora Dilma”, but
not yet asking for impeachment because we didn’t
have the legal certainty. As VPR had a very strong connection,
not only with PSDB at the time, but also with jurists and
with figures who were, after all, very cautious about impeachment, there
was this tension, there was friction between us in the press, it
was all very complex, it wasn’t an easy game to understand
and the press wanted to see chaos among us. So you mean you’re changing
the country, man? Look, today is what day? Today is the day… I don’t know what
the day is today, do you know why? Because we work like
motherfuckers here, in this shit! March 5th. We were interviewed at the
same time by Folha, by Veja. We’re organizing
demonstrations all over Brazil. Our office makes no fucking money,
we’re fucked, look at Kim here. – Look how I’m fucked!
– This is my 2011 outfit. We spent the day
gluing wheat-paste. Wheat-paste, bring the wheat-paste.
Shows the wheat-paste. Here, look. This is the beginning
of the revolution. This impeachment symbol has to be
on the streets, people have to see they have to feel that it’s a real
movement and not just an internet thing, it’s a concern we had at that time. Renan, Alexandre and I
on the cover of Folha. Near the day of the demonstration you could
tell it was going to be big, because… you would order a
coffee to the waiter, – “So, are you going to the demonstration?”
– “Yes I will.” Everyone knew about the
demonstration, you could imagine it was going to be big,
not as big as it was. But I could imagine it
was going to be big. If impeachment is a coup, why did PT
call for Collor impeachment? If Impeachment is a coup,
why did PT call for FHC impeachment? The coupists are them! PT can send MST, PT can send
CUT, but it never will end Brazil’s biggest
opposition, which is the brazilian people! They asked us to wait,
to be moderate because, every month, the money
of the opposition parliamentarians got to their pockets,
for 4 years. They asked for Dilma to bleed and
we bleed together. Do you want to wait? Streets and squares are crowded
in cities from 26 states and the Federal District, for
demonstrations against corruption and against the Dilma government. Who is behind this
anti-Dilma marches – in Brazil?
– Huge crowds of people across Brazil, have been spending
the day rowling against their president, demanding
she be impeachment… March 15th we grew up
almost half of the page. Gosh, it was historic. I think it was the biggest
thrill of my life, when I climbed into the truck
and saw the crowded avenue,
I burst into tears. So it wasn’t those noisy guys from
social networks. No! It was John Doe, Jane Doe, people who were oblivious,
maybe didn’t even know what MBL was, even less Liberal Institute. But somehow they woke up,
realized what was happening and were mobilized, led to protest
by groups like MBL. And really, what was most interesting
to the media at that time was the “we are all against corruption”
thesis. So much that, although the 15th had
an enormous audience, in terms of narrative,
it was not that profitable, because later
even Cardozo, who was Minister of Dilma,
gave a satisfactory answer. I reiterate that in the coming days,
until the end of the week, the President of the Republic
will launch a set of measures already announced
in the campaign which aim to provide
the Brazilian state with even more
effective mechanisms in order to combat
corruption and impunity. We don’t accept it anymore!
Be poor or be rich, be black or white, out with PT! Hurricane Holiday, huh?
– Yeah! You can see he turned out to
be the greatest speaker of his generation not for nothing. Right at the beginning
he was already right. We ended up meeting Holiday from
a video he sent to us talking about the Free Pass. – Look who’s here!
– What are you doing here? Of course I wouldn’t let you
talk about this day – without me being here.
– But why? I have to make sure
the truth is told! The guarantor of the truth. You invaded the scene to make sure
we don’t talk shit about you? No, no. The thing is, when I got there,
I saw Alexandre, all that energy, “no, we’re all one family,” Kim, that I was a fan,
accompanied the videos, was already relatively known, he had that
dead fish look, you know? A bit unfriendly,
so the first impression, let’s say it wasn’t the best… Chug! Chug! Chug that shit!
Wow! Holy shit! But I was nice? Yeah, you seemed
to have credibility. “Seemed”, nice that he speaks
in the past. “It seemed”. But that day I left,
kinda skeptical, you know? Do these guys know
what they are doing? But you came back and then we created
your new name, Fernando Holiday. And it was supposed to be Fernando
Fucker, I don’t know if you remember. – I’m glad we kept Holiday!
– And even though I thought Holiday was kind of a drag queen thing, you know?
– Your war name. Yeah. But it was all very fast, you became a
kind of youtuber, in a channel called “Public Enemies.” My dream was to become a kind
of Felipe Neto, you know? Guys, I’ll call my friend from
FEFELETE to sing a song with you, okay? Come closer. I really dreamed of “ah, I’ll be
a famous youtuber”. You would be the Felipe negro. Good thing we spoil dreams, right? Sorry, brah. But after that came March 15th,
and the main thing that happened, you stood out a lot there. And it was very fast between starting
on YouTube and soon being at the rally. And that’s when my family began to
realize that maybe that could go right. It came out in the news,
it had all the repercussions. We want, ask and beg:
impeachment now! You didn’t like us
that much yet. I thought you were actually a
bunch of playboys who didn’t know exactly what you were doing.
It was a process, so to speak. We ended up being
friends in the march, but then it’s good to remember, The playboys went to the march,
but you, your mommy… Let’s watch it, c’mon!
Let’s see. Chapter 3:
THE MARCH. Right after March 15th, we called
April 12th to keep it going. We had to set the next one on the
spot for people to understand that this was part of a process,
not a walk in the park. And every demonstration we made
that was a little smaller, the press always went there,
like a vulture, and said: “Look, the impeachment
movement is losing steam.” We had to adapt ourselves to the
political circumstances, so that people wouldn’t say “we are a group
that organizes demonstrations”. MBL was never meant to be a group
that organized demonstrations. Demonstrations are a way
of doing a political action. But you can have political
actions in countless other ways. What is the new disruptive
model, that we can create something powerful and
symbolic that continues to build this beautiful narrative and
does not depend on the people who are now in
low civic energy? Few people know, but the idea of
the march came from my father. The idea of the march was a
pretty complicated business. What do you mean
walking to Brasilia? And he said: “Yeah, why don’t
you walk to Brasilia?” We have to go to Brasilia. Who wants to go to Brasilia? The main narrative we wanted
to create was: we will leave São Paulo with the impeachment request in
hand, with a group of people leaving the capital of the largest
state in the country, walking on the highways…
first the Bandeirantes Highway, then to Anhanguera; entered Minas
Gerais; from Minas Gerais entered Goiás; and from Goiás
to the Federal District. Only to show to people: “Look, our focus is the
impeachment, we’re not going to Brasilia to fight
against corruption”. “Not a fucking chance.”,
that’s what I thought. What I understood, what
I spoke to Renan was: there would always be a
person walking with a flag, but not everyone walking at the
same time from city to city. Then, when we got there,
everybody was going to walk all the time.
It was very sad. When we decided to protocol the
impeachment, we were convinced that we had to aim for a political
action in species. What is a specific political action?
It’s to articulate with deputies, and that’s what I worked
on while MBL marched. I sought Members of Parliament
to join our agenda. Trying to convince them, trying
to articulate with them. I used to spend the whole day
posting things on the internet as well as seeing where they’d
go to sleep, where they’d go to eat, where they had to be on that
time, where the bus had to be, who would they meet, anyway. We were arranging the journey
as the march went on. When we announced the march on
April 12th, we had nothing planned, that’s the truth. We announced it and it seemed
like everything was planned, but we only had one week
to produce everything. It was all done in the nick of time.
It was bizarre, scaring sometimes. – We’re fucked!
– Fucked? Then, fuck it,
now we have to walk. Now we have to walk. It was a day of struggle,
a test day. – The people’s strength always wins.
– Wow, what a populist guy! When we arrived at
Marginal Pinheiros, and you are now walking in the
middle of those cars and stuff, then you say,
“Man, what am I doing here?”. We knew that not many
people would be able to walk the whole thing, but if
people could walk 10 kilometers, 20 kilometers. That each
one would donate whatever they could, in fact. My name is Fabrício. I’m Jean Franco. I’m Igor Luan. My name is Cleudes. My name is Antonio Carlos. My name is Raquel Pereira Lindner. My name is Jean, I’m from Manaus. What’s up, Ian! Tell me
about these days… about the 11th day of marching. But there was this guy who used
to draw a lot of attention, he was different from
everyone else. Everyone was with Brazilian flags,
running shorts, sports shoes. Not to mention the bizarre fact
that he wore dress shoes. His shirt buttoned to the neck. Dress pants. A rosary in hand. Futuristic glasses like this. He was Ian, the Minister. Wait, Let me just
light my cigarette. My lung is fine, smoking is
wonderful and Olavo is right. Besides never feeling any pain
in his foot, or any pain whatsoever, like, we had just finished
walking, we were all worn out and only Minister was jumping
around and boxing, besides all that he still
walked and read. And the fact that he was
wearing the same shoes every day was also kinda tense. No, I took some comfortable
leather shoes, just as it should be
on a walk like this. And Renan was delighted
with Minister. He was all agile, he was skinny.
It seemed like the wind carried him, and he had a very
peculiar personality. There were a few differences:
Ian was an Olavete, so as a fan of Olavo de Carvalho,
it was God in heaven and Olavo almost in heaven and
the rest on earth. – It’s recording!
– We are here at… Are you shooting for
the documentary or? – I don’t know, I’m just recording.
– So let’s record it. What were you talking about there? So, we are talking about
books and literature. So keep it up! Wow! The movement of the
right-wing kids. Pragmatic kids, who make pragmatic
politics, who are articulated, who are in social media and
the moment MBL embraces the
impeachment in a way, and goes marching to Brasilia,
which is something that usually you would imagine UNE does, right?
So this is the kind of symbolic act, and politics ever since the French
Revolution is full of symbolic acts. If you look at the
whole 19th century, it is full of symbolic acts
and the owners of those acts were always leftists. Good afternoon people!
Today we are in Minas Gerais. Today we are a little worried
because the highway is not like we wanted, right?
It has no shoulder. I think today someone might
die with snake bite. It is always a possible danger. The road sucks, but at least
it’s not bumpy, right? Well, bright sun, there is no
shoulder, which ends bringing greater danger.
So we need to be more careful. Kim and Holiday were starting
to orate and there was a healthy competition to see who was
the best speaker in the group. Sometimes it was Kim,
some other time it was Holiday. It will be a historic moment,
it will be a moment that will be in the books in
the future, that you need to be part of and leave all
the rest aside, because now the focus is
the impeachment of president Dilma. Now it’s up to all of us, to
strive for a better Brazil and to fight for this Brazil. And then we went to speak
in Uberlândia, in the City Council, which was a city also
governed by PT. I would like to say that the scene
we just saw, a petista being expelled by the people is the scene
that will be seen on May 27th. But it won’t be just one petista,
it’ll be bunch of filthy thieves that have crushed all of us
these past years, they will be thrown out just as
we’ve just watched. And I saw that there was a
councilman who was making fun of us, he kept laughing, making fun of us;
then I got kind of pissed off. Who is diverting money from the
Brazilian pockets is not me, it’s you, it’s your party; your movements
that undermine properties, steal from the Brazilian people,
that attacks the separation of powers and destroys our Republic
Look at my face here, if you have guts! Why do you
have your back on me? Look at me now! You can continue
walking, you can continue with your debauchery,
the Brazilian people are here, and we will be in Brasilia
on the 27th and we’ll bring down the government of your party.
Thank you! This movement is in
favor of freedom. Well, I’m here drinking my last
“Mineirinho” in the border between Minas and Goiás, admiring
this magnificent view and… Well, I love this kind of thing,
it makes me reflect on life. And more than that, it makes me
think about the future ahead after the end of this march. While we were walking
across Brazil, the Federal Police and
the prosecutors did their job. Operation Lava Jato had just
arrested João Vaccari and a series of accusations
were homologated, increasingly placing PT at the
center of criminal schemes. Companies investigated by “Lava Jato”
have 24 billion to receive from Petrobras. In addition to MBL’s political
pragmatism, besides having a “timing” for such a march, the “timing”
is to create a founding act. Create, as you guys say,
almost a myth. Take on a walk from São Paulo
to Brasília, carrying a flag, a disposition, a national feeling
that the political class was acting almost cowardly. The political class was renouncing
or failing to see what Brazil was feeling and you raised that
flag, with all the difficulties. And I can testify, I received
you in Goiânia; the feeling I had was of the arrival of a
resistance group. Heavy, tiring day,
I’m sleepy as hell. I’m joining, I’m another patriot
like everyone here, right? Actually, “Patriots” is the name of
my group, I’m from Belo Horizonte. We will innovate here,
we will continue to create this narrative that the
impeachment is advancing, that things are
evolving, which is important, if not, people will lose hope.
And hope for a better tomorrow is the flagship of a
political movement; cause if people give up on
fighting, you just turn off the lights and walk away. After a wonderful day in Goiânia
we received the news that “Ok, the opposition will
not welcome you, we won’t have any impeachment
request protocol”. We’re not forbidden to speak
the word impeachment, it’s just not on PSDB agenda.” And here it’s worth putting, Miguel
Reale Junior, in the end he said… “I’m fucking good, I’m for the
impeachment”; but he played against the impeachment until
impeachment was a viability. And PSDB won’t ask for
impeachment on the 27th. Aécio turned away,
it’s official, and tomorrow he will have a
meeting at 10am with leaders of other opposition
parties to dissuade them from asking the impeachment on the 27th. Of course, at that time, it wasn’t
pleasant for everyone to hear what you wanted to say or
what you wanted to put. Obviously that, at that
moment, there was also, within PSDB itself, a series
of other readings, which wasn’t just that one.
What would mean succession, what would mean
PMDB taking over the government. Everyone who went to the streets
on March 15th and April 12th, that’s the answer the opposition
parties are giving to you. That we understood that this time
the protagonism was of the streets, as I said: we got where we got
because the opposition failed. And if we take the protagonism and
hope from the streets and deposit it on the opposition again, it would
be a gigantic strategic mistake. After Aécio Neves’ disastrous
performance in delegitimizing the 27th and trying to end with
the impeachment, we had to give an answer,
not only to our group, but to the general population that
the anti-Dilma movement, the impeachment movement, would
remain firm and strong; so closing the
road, puting the big flag on was fucking awesome,
it was very good. And we showed that we do
not depend on the opposition, we do not depend on Aécio, nor
on Caiado, not even on Carlos Sampaio. I don’t know, I’ve heard talks
from 10km to 100km of traffic. And then I made Aécio’s meme
with Dilma’s hand, “Shame!”. And it went in Folha. It was the first time we saw a
political meme published and printed in Folha de São Paulo. No more incompetence and
irresponsibility! Enough! Inflation is out of control, the
government can no longer control the economy!
Political crisis! Brazil is at rock bottomm We can’t lose hope,
because the power, It is in our hands. We just
have to find out that the power is ours. – The flag is farther in.
– No problem, we’re following you, ok? We are supporting
your movement, ok? And now we are close to
the MST. Let’s go! Well then, guys, what’s going
on now is this. There is the camp,
the MST settlement. We’re staying here, in a little
hidden place to watch if people are having
strange movements. Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! The truth is that the vast
majority of the Brazilian people want “Out with PT”, “Out with
Dilma” and “Impeachment now”! God bless our march. Let’s go
ahead, boys. Courage! Let’s cross. You are almost there,
almost there. The Brazilian people, day
or night, out with Dilma! An accident happened
here on BR-60. Here… It hit there. – Oh, man, are you drunk?
– Who’s driving, – that guy? Who is driving?
– Are you drunk? – He’s drunk.
– Stop! You killed someone, man!
Are you drunk? Run, you son of a bitch! Stop! Stop, stop, for
God’s sake! Stop, stop! You insect! You are rubbish!
You are rubbish! He’ll go to jail!
Call the police! Then I got up, looked at my
arm and it was covered in blood. Then I raised my other arm. As I raised my other arm, I saw
Amanda with her face covered in blood, like that. I participated in VPR Movement,
when I met MBL, the boys on the march. I just remember saying my name
and my social security number in the ambulance.
I don’t remember anything. So, what really happened?
A drunk guy hit another car and the other car hit us. He hit a family car and we
thought on that moment that the family car had
run us over. We got him out of the car, he
was drunk, so they wanted to beat him up, we separated so
people wouldn’t beat him up. It was a very heavy climate. At 200km/h,
we were on the shoulder. And then Alexania Police got in
touch with me three times, because the guy was involved
in those movements (MST) and he lived from
one city to another. So it wasn’t an accident by
coincidence. They believe it was intensional, that they
wanted to do that to us. Is it possible it was? Yes.
But the guy was drunk, anyway. Are there drunk drivers driving?
Yes. We can’t say what happened, but we were very lucky. The chance of someone dying
there was very high. Don’t film it here, no! Turn it off, damn it! Of all this time of activism, it was
one of the most tense moments, it was this impeachment march to
Brasilia when this accident happened. We always pay a price, right?
For our choices. And I would do it again,
without regret. I would definitely do it again. Everyone saw what happened,
we won’t have many delays regarding the accident.
She’s fine. Do you already have all
the official news? I do. She’s 100% fine, she has had a
CT scan, no brain damage, Kim too, anyway. Again, just remembering: this is
risky as hell, it’s already the third time someone
almost dies. We already faced a truck
overturning in the middle of the road, now this accident today and
It’ll be like this until the end, and there’s not much
we can do to change it. This is complicated. Does anyone have any
questions regarding this? Rubinho called me, Rubinho
is the guy who is doing our political articulation, he said
PSDB’s MPs will be with us there and they’re
arguing with Aécio, against his decision, and then everything
we thought we’d lost, We’re back in the game. Ok? And finally we got to the
Federal District! If this is a moment of rupture,
of the rising of a new opposition that, in this
case, we can help to lead, I don’t know, I’m
feeling confident. But that this is perhaps
one of the most important moments in the history of Brazil,
that I am sure. On the eve of the arrival of the
March for Freedom, the people were already in Brasilia and
I was still articulating within the National Congress,
trying to build alliances for the MP
to welcome the march. You decided to seek the Congress,
which I found incredible. And then decided to go for that
walk. I said to my colleagues: “It’s crazy, it’s bold”.
But Brecht said the future belongs to the present madmen. We hope that the Congress will
take place independently, as it has acting since you took
office and carry forward this dialogue with the
population, that is so important at a moment when a new policy
emerges, which is the force of the street movements. We came here to bring
legitimacy to the work that we’ve already been doing
and to have a partnership. If the partnership is fruitful, we can really have changes
that will change the course of the country, which I think
everyone here wants. So we’ll see what we’re going
to need to build on legally, in order to be able to
agree or disagree with each point being placed. And by
the time I have my decision, it is made on the basis
of a technical analysis and not simply as political ambition.
I don’t own the process, i’m just a part of the
process and I have my regimental obligation to receive,
protocol, give it in, and all my acts here in the
house are open to be contested. So, nothing ends on me.
It is not a personal thing, as if done by a single person, like
me, or as if it’s following up on my only personal decision.
Rest assured that you will be treated, as will what
you are bringing, with all the respect you deserve.
Be very welcome, and the house will protocol. What goes into history is either the
nomenclature of what detractors did or the caricature of what
the detractors did. What our detractors use against
us is mainly that picture, so it’s that picture that goes
into history, and for me there’s no problem about it,
I think it’s wonderful. It shows that we had the
courage to go there, take a picture with Eduardo Cunha,
protocol the impeachment request, do what had to be done,
regardless of the risk to our image. There is no gesture on
my part that can say “the governability of the
government ends today”, but be certain that the
President of Congress, from today onwards, is in
opposition to the government. Chapter 4:
ALEA JACTA EST. What are you recording
there, huh? Moments before the impeachment.
We’re here, look. Today was the the
day Eduardo Cunha officially broke up with the
government, and that means he’s so in trouble he’s risking
everything and he wants to split with the government
as a form of retaliation and he wants to pass the
impeachment, and that’s it. And it’s all in the constitution and
the house’s regiment. Go regiment! At the same time, the
institutionalized opposition, together with Miguel Reale, realized
that they needed to do something. So it was a period between acts. There was the August 16th protest,
whhich was very strong, it was a solid demonstration, was much
stronger than April 12th and showed to the political class that
“right, forget it. There will be more protests.
These forces, the streets, will continue to act and you
will have to get used to it”. The perception that began to
exist in Brasilia, including the opposition, was that they
needed to embrace the impeachment. There was some difficulties on
accepting our request, mainly from PPS, that was a left-wing party, PPS, PSB,
the leftmost parties that wanted to support the impeachment, could
not support our impeachment. So, we had to have the resilience
needed to create a new strategy of articulation to pass it through. And then I remember that
the PSDB leadership, Carlos Sampaio, in a meeting
said: “Look, Rubens, there is a very strong
symbolism in the request for impeachment from Hélio Bicudo. Hélio is one of the
founders of PT, so he had a very strong image,
was very symbolic as a founder from PT, a guy who saw Lula
ever since the early days, a guy who was Deputy for
PT signing the request, it was kind of a
relief for the left parties to say: “Wow, it’s really not
a right-wing business”. So, this movement seeks the
unification of the country, around the idea of democracy. Finally, of freedom for all.
Not just a… -A parcel or a party, right?
-Yes, exactly. It’s nonpartisan, I have nothing to do
with any political party, nothing. I don’t think you have either.
So our movement is a Brazilian movement. So, the appearance, the emergence
of Dr. Hélio in this story means: He is a man in his early 90’s who,
for 40 years, has been a Prosecutor of State.
Who reads the file and says, “Janaína, you are right. From a
political point of view, from a legal point of view, from the structural
point of view”. Their first piece was very
similar to ours, it dealt with the accounting trickery. In fact, it was different
reagarding specific trickery. I didn’t even approach
the specifics. But no different in what it states about public accounts being
out of control. Because the trickery, the origin of
what she did, was the budget irregularities. Well, but after all, what
were the accounting trickeries? To explain it, we have here
Mauricio Schwartz, from “Chefs On The Street”. I’ll explain this to you in a
more street food way. Let’s say you want to start
your own business, open your gourmet hot dog booth,
a food truck, like this one. What do you do? Go to
the bank, raise a loan of about 100 thousand reais
and start to play. To get things better, your
Dad says the following: “Hey, big boy, pay off this loan
in a year and I’ll put another 100 thousand reais
in your business”. The boy goes very excited to the
streets. But when he gets there everyday there’s a
new problem, right? It’s the doneness of the
sausage, there’s the corn, the peas, potato sticks… The thing is not as
easy as he imagined. Then, the end of the year is
coming, the accounts are not closing, what does the son do?
Stop paying that loan, hold some installments,
leave the money in the bank and show it to dad:
“Look here, dad. I’m doing well,
look at all the money!”, “This is my boy! Here is
another 100 thousand reais”. Do you know what the boy just did
there? Dilma’s accounting trickery. At that moment, I didn’t
even know that I had been Renan’s teacher, you know? There are so many students,
I couldn’t remember, and MBL’s most visible
face is Kim’s. I think it was me who
called and said: “There was a first contact
with another movement, they agreed to support
ours. So, with a lot of respect, I’m making an inquiry “. Because
listen, when you do a job, and the boys went on foot
to Brasilia, it creates an emotional bond with the thing.
So no one has the right to say, “Hey, let go of your
work and come to support mine”, you know? No one
has that right. And the answer was almost
immediate, you know? So, I think this way of… I think
these movements, this act of giving up what’s yours
to support another’s, it is of great human greatness,
very significant. Then came MBL. I had an interlocution with MBL and
Nas Ruas, and Professor Miguel an interlocution with the staff
of VPR Movement. Society got into that. The
society was signing with jurists, with people who
understood the subject, with people who were inside the
powers. And also the honor of being there,
our name is there, our signature. It’s there for Dilma
to look at from time to time. A remedy that is prescribed in
the Constitution can never be qualified as a coup.
We are acting in accordance with what the constitution says.
First of all, I’m not from PT. – Weren’t you a founder?
– That doesn’t mean anything. It’s been a long time since I
left PT because I don’t agree with PT’s way of managing its own
administration. And I, and I think I speak for
Miguel too, we are brazilian. I would say in addition that we
were always together in – defense of human rights.
– Right. I say, with tranquility, that
there are many more elements today than there were in 1992
(last brazilian impeachment). Other than that, all the public
accounts were frauded to give a false appearance of stability to national and international
investors. The trickery allowed to
set a shield, that hid the actual situation of
Brazilian finances. We have here today countless
social movements represented by Carla, Kim, Adelaide. There are three generations
of whistleblowers here, three generations, and young
people giving strength to it. The importance of this
strenght is that they don’t come with formalist arguments for not
wanting to forward this document. On May 27th, we protocoled our
impeachment request, Hélio Bicudo also protocoled his impeachment
request recently, and the idea is to show that there is this union
between the democratic left and the new mindset emerging
in the community, this new liberal mindset
that is emerging, and that regardless of ideologies, people
are here to rebuild the country, to overthrow
Dilma Rousseff and return to the democratic debate. And then Cunha received it and we
put the pieces together, and that was the document that subsequently
overthrew Dilma Rousseff. Look, this is a moment in
world history, right? That leads people to follow this
or that path. So, I repeat what Julius Caesar said when
he crossed the Rubicon to take over the Roman
government: “Alea jacta est”, The die has been cast. 1,000 km marched. Request written by reputed
jurists, and still the impeachment wouldn’t go forward. In October,
President Dilma’s accounts were rejected by the
Court of Auditors of the Union, an unprecedented fact in the
young Brazilian democracy. The ministers of the Union Court of
Auditors said that Dilma Rousseff’s government hid the real state of
public accounts from the country. Now it wasn’t an opposition
party or a street movement denouncing the crime, it was
an arm of the state itself. The flank was open. And we needed to attack. Chapter 5:
THE CAMPING. My name is Ian Garcez from the
Free Brazil Movement (MBL) and this is our act of resistance
for the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff,
in front of the National Congress. Come take a look. With the victory on TCU,
with the strong impeachment request, with the President of the Congress
scared, is a cornered cat. Eventually… if you stoke
it a lot, it will hit you back. It was time to do
something different. Then Alexandre had an idea and
said: “Well, why don’t we camp in front of the Congress?” And we wouldn’t leave until
the request was carried forward. That’s it. Until Cunha definitely stop
using the impeachment request as a bargain with Dilma.
As we believed he was doing. And when we got there, “Ok, we’ll
camp. How are we gonna do it?”. We needed the authorization, both
from Eduardo Cunha, who was President of the Congress
aswell as Renan Calheiros’, who was President of the Senate. We got the signature, the
authorization from Eduardo Cunha to camp in front of Congress,
but we also needed Renan Calheiros’, and Renan Calheiros wouldn’t give us. Split the lawn, as if
the lawn was not from Brazil. As if it was half for the
Congress and half for the Senate. And then we camped only in the
Congress side and the opposition deputies
lifting tents and such. 10 so-and-so’s, running with
open tents on their backs, rushing towards the lawn.
While 6 Federal Deputies ran to prevent the legislative
police from expelling us. Which billionaire politician,
which great businessman has this kind of view? Come here, set up your
tent and come see the most privileged view of Brazil today.
The view from the place where you will be able to take
down Dilma Rousseff. Maybe it wasn’t the best idea ever
and maybe it wasn’t very well planned, but it happened. These are the accommodations, we
already have a group of more than 70 people from all regions
of Brazil. I’ll show it to you. Here are the tents
from people who’ve just arrived, yellow, blue, green, tents of all – Colors.
– What’s up! Another of our coordinators.
People are coming, young people for this act
of resistance. Almeida! – What’s up!
– Come here. Our coordinator from Bahia, Ricardo Almeida.
– Hello! This is the central perimetre
of the resistance camp, the lounge of the republic,
facing the National Congress… You twit! Marcello Reis. Couches, supplies…
national recreating area. Here, you see that people
also work inside the Congress, they’re always going after
the deputies, chasing after votes for impeachment,
lobbying as needed. Here is our kitchen. Let me introduce you Beto Maurer!
Beto! Let me show you our – cooker.
– Brazil with chicken! Our professional cook, Beto
Maurer, who is taking care of everyday food for the
staff. The women here are very careful, take a look. – Don’t mind the mess.
– All supplies provided by people from Brasilia who support
the movement and come here every day for us to resist here,
with popular support. Finally, the mayor of the camp,
Pedro Cherulli. – Hello, how are you guys?
– He’s been organizing the resistance. We stay strong. They entitled me,
okay? The salary is low, but – We’ll stay here, we are fierce.
– Thank you so much guys. And you have no idea how
wonderful it is to wake up every day looking at this view. The coolest part of the camp was the connection of the
various MBL cores. I’m from Campina Grande, Paraíba. Blumenau in Santa Catarina. Bahia. Alagoas. Brasilia. Apart from all other movements,
it was kind of a medieval. Each one that would arrive, setted
their flags in a region of the camp, so it was VPR, Rio’s MBL,
“Fora Podres”, “Fora Corruptos”. Ole Ole! We are in the street
to bring down PT! Globo News did nightly live
transmissions in front of Congress to cover the political
news of the day, and we noticed that we never
appeared in these takes. One day, someone said “look,
there’s a Globo van”. Guys, Globo it’s filming here
and they don’t want to include the camp, they’re
cuting it out of the take saying it’s not relevant.
But, they’re going to talk about the impeachment
and we’re camped for that. So let’s all go there,
come on, let’s get Globo. We exist, man. [INAUDIBLE]
Whether you like or not we exist. – I just wanted comprehension
– Silence. We’re working until one
o’clock in the morning, – so as you guys.
– Let’s record the guy saying this. – That’s cool, too.
– Just not to disturb our job. We won’t disturb you, – We’ll stay behind.
– Okay, ok. I’m asking you to frame us
from afar, we wouldn’t even need to get close. You want to ignore our existence. When you’re making a story
about soccer, there are fans behind. When you’re making a story about
anything, there are people behind, why not have people behind here?
They said: “No.” – Renan!
– Let’s go, let’s go. – Talk to…
– Thanks. Thank you very much, thanks.
You brought down a whole working day. We will bring down Dilma,
we will bring down Dilma. We will overthrow Dilma too. They decided to ignore our
existence, not showing us to the viewers of Globo that we exist,
that we are camped here. They want to erase the
fight for impeachment. Why is that? Is anyone here gonna
use violence to get noticed? No! We just want to show
that our struggle exists. There are people from all over
Brazil. Where are you from? São Paulo. A week here. Espírito Santo. Rio Grande do Sul. Paraíba. Bahia. Santa Catarina. Santos. Campinas. Brazil entirely. Why are you doing this
to us, Globo? It’s one thing to make a rebellious
gesture in a single moment, a single act. The other thing is to go out for a
long time, so people start realizing that this resentment, it was your
daily life, and you reproduced the daily life of the
Brazilian society. Then you started coming in
with cameras, taking over the deputies opinions, to
record it, so this happened too: The structure of the Chamber
was open to you. If the impeachment request was
voted in the House today, deputy, would you vote yes?
I don’t even know who you are. Why would I talk to you. Do not push it! Deputy! The deputy…
didn’t want to know. This Deputy didn’t want to know. He didn’t want to talk to me,
he already ran away. He’s contrary to impeachment, here
is the message to his voters. How would you vote and
how would your party? In favor or contrary to impeachment? We also passed on that,
I was there. Please, if there is one more
disturbance I will request the removal. Please. Please. I want my time back, President. I’ll get some people together and
I’ll throw you guys out of here! Bunch of bums! They are bums! You are bums!
We’ll beat you up now! Yes, Yes.
We will not enter into the – camp.
– We are already legalized here for the sake of law. We’re under the
protection of those guys over there. – Is that all, everything’s fine?
– Easy, quiet. Okay then. Good fight to you. Coward! Coward! Coward! We came to take Dilma out,
we didn’t come to fight! This is for you who hasn’t come,
got it? You “hero”! 24 hours later, a homeless movement
arrived and simply wanted to expel us from our own camp. And man, lighting fireworks,
throwing stones, beating, kicking. They came, truly, with the
intention of removing the tents and finally, thanks to God
we had people there at that time who stopped them
and started facing them. And I immediately tried to
form a line, made sure that we took our flags and really
showed them that there was going to be
resistance and no one was going to kick us out. They started screaming,
cursing everyone, some took the opportunity to
punch, kick someone and run out of there
in the middle of the mess. Meanwhile, they put women, some
of them with children or pregnant, in the front, as a kind of
barrier to stop us from advancing. Hey MBL! Hey MBL! And we adopted the following
tactic: we kept our backs to them, so that no one could say we
were assaulting them. I remember I was kicked in
the back, one of them was even photographed by
Folha de São Paulo newspaper. I had my shoulder dislocated for a
few days, but it was worth it. That region over there, where you
can see the light, has no one. Why? Because they left, they
left all their trash there. They said they’ll be
back tomorrow. They went to sleep somewhere
and will be back tomorrow. We’re camped here and that’s it. We will continue here and
we are the real resistance. The conflict with the gangsters of
Sibá Machado made the camp grow. Reinforcements started to
come from all over Brazil and it was increasing in
size, increasing in size. The camp was going great.
But the impeachment, not that much. Since Eduardo Cunha bargained at
all costs to try to get rid of the ethics board. Earlier today, he was able
to suspend the work of the Ethics Council in a
regimental maneuver to delay the reading
of the report calling for continuity of his cassation process. He wasn’t exactly in his best
moment and he also wasn’t forwarding the impeachment. The truth is Brasilia wasn’t made
to have people on the streets. Look at this place, in the middle of the savannah,
far from everything, very hot. The buildings are far
apart from each other and extremely uncomfortable. Its standardized streets and cold
gray concrete give a depressing tone that every city planned by
communists deserves. It’s a city made for
politicians and their officials, nobody wants to have you here, and
we were there for 25 days already. One day they would get
tired of us. Chapter 6:
PAYBACK. Senator Delcídio do Amaral,
from Mato Grosso do Sul PT, was arrested early by the Federal
Police at this hotel in Brasilia. The operation was authorized
by Minister Teori Zavascki, of the Supreme Court. And Delcídio Amaral was exactly the
agent who was negotiating with the PMDB forces and apparently he had
very close conversations with Eduardo Cunha himself. When Delcídio was arrested, there
was no one else to negotiate with. Cunha had his days numbered, but
he had an ace up his sleeve. I made the decision, forwarding
the complaint. The argument for the year 2015,
it brings the edition of decrees without numbers, in the
amount of 2.5 billion reais, which were issued in
breach of the law. Contrary to law 1079 in it’s article
10, fourth and sixth paragraph. The reasons for this request are
inconsistent and unfounded. There is no wrongdoing done by me. We were, I wouldn’t say giving up,
but kind of losing hope. In such a way that I made a
video saying that Cunha was commiting the
crime of prevarication, if he didn’t at least
dispatch the request. Eduardo Cunha would have used the
movements, specifically MBL, for the purpose of overthrowing
the government, but wasn’t it the
other way around? I think Eduardo Cunha was the
instrument that had to be used at the time, because he sat
there in charge of the House. To get to him a popular agenda. If he did not forward the
impeachment, he would have to answer the streets.
So he had to make a choice between PT and the
people, and for a reason he considered smarter, not
necessarily out of passion or compromise, I don’t believe that,
he ended up choosing the people. And when we got the news,
we went out, everybody was we were there in front of the
MASP, jumping and celebrating. Representatives of the Free Brazil
Movement and other groups closed the Paulista Av., in the Consolação way. In Porto Alegre, the protest gathered
30 people, according to the military police, or 70, in the
organizers’ accounts. The protesters celebrated
the reception of the impeachment request of
president Dilma, but they made it clear that they
do not support Eduardo Cunha. And then Renan had the idea to
make a campaign, which was: “This impeachment is mine!” Fred went there, worked on the
design, we did everything pretty. And we said, “Wow, let’s make it
creative commons”, inspired by “Diretas Já”, we didn’t want
anything that belonged to MBL, we wanted something that parties’
youth could use, we wanted something that other
movements could use. And then we set for
December 13th at 13 hours, It was supposed to be a warm up. We called a demonstration a week
later, and it wasn’t a large demonstration, it was a
minor protest. You can come after me!
Everyone here gives his face out! And is not afraid of PT! No one here, no one here is afraid
of the bad guys! Everyone is here for their homeland, which is
something bigger than ourselves! – We won’t stop!
– The press said that impeachment belongs to Eduardo
Cunha, so the question that remains is: The impeachment
is yours or Eduardo Cunha’s?! This impeachment is mine,
it’s yours, it’s everyone’s! The Brazilians built
the impeachment! But it’s not easy to try to
overthrow those who have been in power for 13 years.
The counterattack came fast. The following week, the protest
against impeachment was bigger than ours.
The press loved it. The demonstration is so big that we
are in the middle of this huge group composed of thousands
of protesters. It was a great physical,
monetary investment on the part of our adversary: “Finally!
There were more people than the demonstration
of the ‘coxinhas’.” “Protest against impeachment
celebrates bigger audience than coxinha’s protest.” And they liked it even more
when the very next day the Supreme Court accepted a
request from PCdoB to review the impeachment rite. The ministers of the Federal
Supreme Court decided to nullify the procedures adopted by the
Congress so far, in the request to open impeachment
proceedings of President Dilma. “Supreme Court change impeachment
rite: see what happens now.” The impeachment commission that
had been set up by the parties which was largely favorable to us,
was dissolved by the Supreme Court. The rite defined by the House of
Representatives was exactly the same rite approved
for the impeachment of former president Collor. And intervention, because just as
the Congress does not intervene in the internal rules
of the Supreme Court. The Court could not intervene
in the regiment of the Congress. So there were even excessive
provisions intended to protect President Dilma. We are talking about a Supreme
Court, which most of it’s members were appointed
by PT governments. The fact that they were there, some
of them, fulfilling partisan mission. Luckily the Constitution wasn’t
torn, but it was rewritten. It was patched. The Supreme Court is the
guardian of the social pact, which is materialized in our
Constitution. And when there is a conflict in that covenant,
the Court comes and pacifies it, saying “No, this is it.” But in Brazil, it became the
opposite: The Supreme Court became a creator of instability facts,
as it was in this case. And obviously, since Congress was
going to be closed in January, it was recess, we would have
a month of nothing, right after Cunha
dispatched the impeachment. That was perhaps our worst
moment from the beginning. So far, their strategy was to
ignore us, but in 2016 they attacked. “Dilma ends the year strengthened
against impeachment, but economy is a problem.” The establishment created it’s
own version of the facts, that impeachment lost strength,
that the streets were red and that anti-Dilma movements
were bought by the opposition. “What explains the decrease of
protests in Brazil these past months?” MBL just made a deal with PSDB, DEM
and PMDB, an articulation for them to help and also with the
union force, which is Paulinho, to advertise the 13th, using
their machines too, anyway, to use a power
we never had.. And it was MBL who set this up, we
are now uniting all of them in favor of impeachment, so we
stepped up, we are really causing problems for Dilma. UOL caught, basically with a
journalist who later came to work for the Lula institute,
a very unbiased guy, he took an audio from
me that had leaked commenting on this specific
moment and decided to say that we received
money from parties to do that. When, in fact, we demanded
from parties that they publish on their social networks the
demonstration ads of the 13th. What was being intended there was
a relationship with the parties, for the purpose of political
support because they had the institutional means,
the deputies, who have the mandates, the legal means,
to achieve impeachment. That was all, and the experienced
journalist knows that. But when convenient, he
pretends not to know it and propagates fallacies to
burn the movement and thus to empty the
work for the impeachment. The press has always been and
always will be a political agent. I have no problem with that, my
problem is not having competition, my problem is having tax money
in the hands of these companies. That is undemocratic,
anti-liberal, and this has to end. Companies have to serve
the reader, they don’t have – to serve the government.
– Each of us heard it dozens of times: “Forget that, it will
come to nothing.” We were determined at that time
and that made all the difference. But why were we so sure?
Well, political crisis, recession, unemployment, unpopularity,
corruption, people going to jail. There is no miracle or remedy for
this, impeachment was already an uncontrollable force. And there was no stopping it. Chapter 7:
THE SUMMIT. Let’s set up a permanent action
committee, put the deputies and the streets together, because
we had a demonstration scheduled for March, March 13th. And if they worked with us,
in synchronicity, we could not only fill the demonstration,
but it could act as a dynamo so that they could influence
their respective parties, for us to reverse the score. Renan came to me and said,
“Let’s organize,” “how to organize?”, “Let’s make an organization chart,
as if it were an entity, President, Vice president.” We contacted several deputies, and
’cause many were not there, were various advisors. They
gathered and we said: “Let’s set up the
impeachment committee.” We assembled here, we made
the chart, we made an administrative structure of the
pro impeachment committee. And this committee was organized
with several coordinators, to count votes, projections, to convince
MPs, always interacting also with the street movements. “Opposition and dissidents join MBL
and VPR in favor of the 13th.” “The impeachment relight.” With the committee formed,
we now had to turn our attentions to the most
important event of the year: March 13th. And two great
challenges awaited us. First, to make a demonstration
larger than March 15th and second: Bring
politicians to our truck. The press started talking again
about impeachment when João Santana was arrested. They
took the dream maker there, they took the backbone
of PT, which was propaganda, which was to create their image, which
is the way to convey their populism. Then the buzz over
impeachment started again and we were using this
to leverage March 13th, which had to be a
gigantic demonstration. It was the last,
it was the most important. In addition to the arrest
of João Santana, another possible arrest leveraged
the demonstration. A few days earlier, Lula was
coercively taken to testify at the Federal Police. If they wanted to kill the snake,
they didn’t hit the head, they hit the tail. And the snake is
alive as it always has been. Lula, warrior,
of the Brazilian people! …And then we put the bars. That’s it, guys. I think we are
in the final moments of our impeachment
adventure, since we started it on November 1st
2014, in the first demonstrations. Today is
March 13th, 2016. The expectation is that it’ll be bigger than
March 15th. We’re putting our truck here, the police don’t want
us to set it as it is. I think we will be fined, but whatever.
Everything is boiling. At the beginning of the
process people said that people on the streets
defended a military coup. We said no! The secret is to win in the
institutions, because with strong institutions,
we built a nation. Nations only emerge when you
have institutions. In Brasilia, it
already topped March 15th. In Belo Horizonte, there are
almost 50 thousand people, also topped March 15th. Rio de Janeiro
recorded the largest concentration of
people in it’s history. March 13th, this day marks
the biggest demonstrations that occurred during
peacetime in the world! While other movements said
“enough of politics, we won’t have politicians, and so and so”,
MBL thought, “The Impeachment of the President of the Republic is a
political process, which is voted by politicians, which needs 341 votes
from deputies, who are politicians.” Impeachment did
not happen here. Impeachment has
happened with you guys. We got a support, we got a
front group that mobilized millions of Brazilians, and from
that, the political class felt responsible for bringing
continuity to it. We would talk to each other,
arguing that: “You can’t proceed this type of process with the people
and the Congress so distant from each other, and above all
those who have the same identity.” And MBL was fundamental
in opening this space. We were willing to give in
and take that risk, and really put them in there because… Now it was the time
to unify the opposition. And it would be very mediocre,
not to receive them, who were voted to be there and
wanted to vote for impeachment on our stage, on our sound truck. So we came across and decided
to take that risk. My vote in a few days
is for impeachment! Yes to Dilma Rousseff’s removal! Impeachment is a reality! We have to charge our MPs, go
ahead and impeachment on Dilma! And PMDB will vote yes! – We’ll vote for impeachment!
– Long live Brazil and we will get to an impeachment. – Out with Dilma! Impeachment now!
– My vote is for impeachment – of President Dilma!
– Now we are already many and with you will be the majority!
To put PT out and to throw Dilma out! It is very different, and I have
been in public life for a long time, from other movements that
rely on machines and structures of
associations, unions. Out with Dilma! With you a new Brazil is born! Without hate, without fear,
with courage and hope! Countless other MPs from all
over Brazil came up on our stage. You had MPs from Mato Grosso,
Rio Grande do Sul, From Paraná, São Paulo, from Rio and they spoke and
people applauded their speech. The audience was very mature. They really understood that these
politicians needed to be there and that was part of a
mature society that is struggling for something within the
institutional means. “Politicians go to demonstrations
around Brazil.” “Greatest protest of Brazilian
democracy put Dilma against the ropes.” “Five views: How will the demonstrations
impact the impeachment process?” Unlike 2015, they had no way of
pretending that nothing happened. March 13th kicked the
government to the curb. In addition to doubling the
audience target, the presence of several leaders of Congress at
the demonstration sealed a pact with the streets
for impeachment. People are going to the streets
and politicians too. All giving their faces out, saying once
and for all that they will vote “yes” for Dilma Rousseff’s
impeachment. It’s over! It’s fucking over! It’s over! Good evening. Good evening. The crisis of the Dilma
Rousseff administration reaches its highest point. Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva
is appointed Chief Minister – of the Civil House.
– He goes out of range of Sergio Moro, the Federal Judge of Paraná
responsible for the Lava Jato. And now has the so-called
privileged forum in the Supreme Court. – Hello.
– Hello. – Lula, let me tell you something.
– Speak, my dear. I’m sending Bessias along with
the paper so we can have it, and only use it if necessary
which is the term of possession. Uh. Okay, okay. Just that. You wait there that
he’s going there. – Okay, I’m here, I’m waiting.
– Okay?! – Goodbye!
– Bye, honey! Renounce! Renounce! Renounce! Renounce! “It’s like this, my son, I have this
thesis, it’s war, you see? And whoever has
the strongest artillery wins.” Enough! Enough! Lula on
Papuda(Prison)! Lula on Papuda! The leaders of the ruling parties
were also very angry, but with judge Sergio Moro because he had
authorized the release of the recordings made on
President Lula’s phones. Judge Sergio Moro justified making
this recording public, stating that “Democracy in a free
society requires that people know what rulers do, even when they seek to act
protected by the shadows.” “Will there be fight? Will criticize?
So what? No big deal Then you solve another problem,
which is the governability one. Fuck, you an Dilma depends
on the other.” Those who were using it and
saying they were in favor of impeachment to play for the crowds
became convinced that no, now it is no longer
a crowd matter. Now things got serious. “Protesters take to the
streets against Lula’s nomination and for
Dilma’s resignation.” Welcome, dear fellow Minister
Luiz Inácio, Minister Lula. Moro! Moro! And they thought that once
again they would make fun of millions and millions
of Brazilians. Now in Brasília, Thousands of people are on
the streets. Now in São Paulo… The effects of the possession
were suspended following a preliminary decision from a
federal judge in Brasília. Out with PT! Out with PT! Out with PT! PT’s mistake could not have
come at a better time. With one month left to vote, it was
the necessary chaos needed to turn the votes in Congress. You try, you really try to
separate me from Lula. My relationship with Lula is not a
relationship of powers or superpowers, our relationship
is a solid relationship of building a project together. Chapter 8:
MINERVA OPERATION. The brand of this operation and
then everything that concerns to it, we’ll have an exclusive
brand, so if it’s a video, it’s the branded video. It’s the task force
of the operation. The task force. So let’s make a logo, make
a special symbol to it, and turn this into a brand. And then the house in Brasília
is a task force. – It’s the tactical force.
– So let’s do it like this, let’s have a name, create a logo,
make some cheap T-shirts written “force whatever”
and send the guys in… I’ll add Fred and me here. It could be “Minerva Operation”,
the votes we need. Good! Minerva Operation. MBL will launch, in the next two
days, the first phase of Minerva Ops, that will go after the MPs
negotiating their votes with the government. There are 53
politicians this operation will target. No, “target” is not cool. Minerva Ops worked
as follows: We would send our militants into Congress,
go there to talk to these MPs and in parallel
we’d attack on the same day the Deputy on social network. This one can be convinced. Ok?
This guy is susceptible to pressure and if we can
turn this guy, he can turn about three more.
So our guys made a list that is reduced, I think there’s about
50 names. And it’s the list, so, it’s one in one state, it’s two in
the other, four in the other… We launched a website, it
was the Impeachment Map, and it was a website that showed
the opinion of the Deputy… First it was from the
commission, and we used it to show to the people, “look, such Deputy is for, is
against or is undecided”. A commission was then
set up for impeachment. This is a part of the formal
rite, it is necessary. Voted “Yes,” 433;
“No”, 1. Total: 434. Article 17-1, quorum 435. The Special Commission to advise
on the complaint is hereby elected against the President of the
Republic for the crime of liability. I think the whole house understood
that I would have the profile to guide such a difficult
commission in a serene and balanced manner, and mainly,
according to the Constitution, which was the most important, and
with the regiment of the house. Work was done by Dilma’s base,
which would only join the comission those indicated by the
party leaders. Progressive Party at the
time was one of the main parties supporting Dilma and
we knew we wouldn’t have support for someone who
wanted the impeachment to be able to join the commission. It was very important that the
commission had a result expressively favorable because it was a kind of
microbiome of how would be the reaction when it was
sent to the house. With the start of the commission,
we needed the support of the two largest MP groups
to turn the votes. It was MBL that promoted this
meeting between representatives of the agriculture segment with
the evangelical bench, so we could start aligning now,
the matter of votes. Ana said: “It’s time to go to
Goiânia, for you and Caiado to convince them to get into
impeachment I said, “Okay, let’s go.”
I didn’t think twice. I had the opportunity to pronounce,
signaling the moment that the bench, the parliamentary front
of agriculture could have no doubt regarding supporting
your movement. This needs to be well recorded,
if it wasn’t for MBL, perhaps this link wouldn’t
have been so concrete. In parallel, we began to draw
a structure, which would be the structure that would stay in
Brasília, to pressure the deputies. We arranged to rent a house
and take the MBL militants from various states there, installed
in the house, set up a group that was going to do the lobby
within the House and pressure the deputies of each state,
for them to vote for impeachment. And we had a list of
missions to do. I had to visit the office of guy
“A”, “B”, “C”, “X”, “Y”, “Z”, You have to talk like that,
you have to pressure them. Because a Santa Catarina man could
charge the MPs of Santa Catarina, a paraibano, could charge the
MPs of Paraíba, a baiano could charge the MPs of Bahia. “Ah, you have to talk about what
happened there in his state, that voters are demanding him
to change, that he act that way.” And so the climate of pressure on
the deputies would get even bigger. We were spreading the word to each
state. The Deputy who was elected in your region is against
impeachment, or undecided. During the process, people went to
my house, pro-impeachment and against impeachment.
And both the pros and the counters didn’t know how
I was going to vote, which I thought was wonderful. Perhaps the biggest challenge you
had was facing a government machine, releasing amendments,
releasing works, creating ministries, passing on ministries to
political parties. And then the game
started to get intense. One day we’d lose three votes;
in the other, we turned 10. What we had was a war going on. Minerva Ops with the pressure on the
deputies, the internet pressuring, VPR with their website and
the deputies working in Congress. A lot happened: Boycott of a
company that donated to deputies against the impeachment,
congresswoman crying, cause was being attacked in her house and
even chiding from a deputy’s father for him to support impeachment. There were even some heavy ones.
It’s part of the game. Today was a sad day
for the government. In one day, the government
has lost, or is losing, the support of three parties. The first one is PP, that is, the
one that was today, after the exit of PMDB, the largest party in the
government base, left. And when we made the decision to
support impeachment, it was decisive. From there, PR, PSD, on the following
days, also took the same path. After forming the majority
within the party, the party would
eventually come institutionally. It was really cool because people
could participate and felt inside the democratic game. The politician was no longer
on the pedestal, the politician was within reach of your Facebook,
was within reach of your Twitter. That feeling was so ingrained
inside people that she had practiced the illegalities and was
no longer able to lead the country, that even having a
majority-favorable commission base, she ended up losing in the votes. Voted “Yes”: 38;
“No”: 27. And no abstention. The complaint is approved. Chapter 9:
THE BIRTH. House Plenary discussions began
yesterday, early in the morning and already last
more than 24 hours. The parties will talk for
another eight hours here. Eight parties still have time
to speak and will present their representatives. So it will
come in Saturday, then Sunday. The session scheduled for
voting begins at 2pm. Falling Dilma, we can not forget
the triplex of Lula, No doubt it was his triplex. Although, wait a minute! If
we consider that the owner is the one who pays, wait,
that triplex is ours, damn it! It’s ours. Here’s the thing: impeachment
party in our Atibaia triplex. Everyone there! And now! It’s the time!
Will start! Will start! I vote in favour. For the legacy of Getúlio, Jango
and Brizola, for democracy and the democratic state of
law, for Brazil, the PDT votes “no”. More hope for brazilians, “yes”! For Rio Grande and Brazil, “yes”
to impeachment! My vote is “no” to this coup. By our Constitution, my vote could
only be and will be “yes” to impeachment of
President Dilma. It is a “yes” of hope for a new
future for our Brazil. And put your hand up,
put your hand up! For the people who went to
the streets of Brazil, in green and yellow,
for a Brazil free of PT, for Paraná, for the Republic
of Curitiba, I vote “yes”. For my Amazonas,
the vote is “yes”. My vote is “yes”, Mr. President. For the end of hypocrisy,
my vote is “no”, president. For decency to override this
morally dishonest government, my vote is “yes”. No! “No” to this coup attempt. May God have mercy on this nation. I vote “yes”. There is no crime,
so it is a coup. I vote “no” against the coup. I vote “no” to the coup. And sleep on that, you scumbags! For the social movements, MBL,
VPR, Revoltados Online and all else,
Lula and Dilma in jail! I vote “yes” to impeachment,
Mr. President. My vote is “yes”. When Eduardo Cunha summon me,
we realize, that… The Brazil’s atmosphere went
into that plenary. Mr. Bruno Araújo, utter your vote. Mr. President. Please! Please.
I’ll ask to lower the volume. So much honor fate has
granted me, for my voice to shout hope for
millions of brazilians! Ladies and gentlemen, Pernambuco
never betrayed Brazil. I carry with me our stories of
struggle for freedom and democracy. Therefore, I say to Brazil:
“Yes” to the future! At this time, at 11:07 in
Brasilia, this Sunday night, April 17, 2016, the House of
Representatives has just authorized the continuity of President Dilma
Rousseff’s impeachment process. There’s no use staying in the Ivory
Tower, pleading without pride “please treat me better”. No! You have to fight for it! Freedom requires eternal
vigilance and participation and responsibility. There is no hyperbole, no language
exaggeration in saying that if the impeachment had not occurred,
Brazil could be Venezuela today. It is an analysis. Overthrow Dilma interrupts
an authoritarian project of permanence in power. Wonderful, necessary. It had and still has the support
of the Brazilian population. The Brazilian has in it’s culture,
ingrained, much of this, fatalism, of defeatism. And I think impeachment
showed a different reality. They destroyed the country
and we had to choose between leaving the
country or staying and fighting. But to win, we had to take
the reins of our own destiny. We had to move PSDB
from the leadership of the opposition process,
we had to build our own rites, our own speech,
our own way of doing politics. Dethrone PT out of power,
after so many years, controling government, having
all the institutions at their favour, with all the problems that we,
Brazilians know the country has and yet you
get an impeachment process within law and order, it was
an impressive thing. It can never be diminished,
it can never be considered as a small thing or like it meant
nothing as some may say to depreciate the work
that was done there. The alternative is what? Anomie,
the destruction of institutions, coup d’État, general strike and
every man for himself. Some may find, for example,
that revolution is a solution. We know it isn’t. Taking a gun
never solved any problem. And the past experiences in Brazil,
of institutional breakdown, They were all very bad. Safeguard institutions,
have been able to follow the proper legal process,
it was a huge victory that all Brazilians should be proud. I think the entire Brazilian
population has this feeling now, the idea that they
own their own destiny. But we cannot be
irresponsible and say: “I don’t want it,
I don’t want anything.” It’s improving and you won’t
recognize this improvement. Your generation, it will probably
have a much better result than my generation for the courage you
express in the political agenda and at the same time, giving an
example to young people your age. I am very proud to know
that the new generations already live in a much
better environment, and that sometimes they
don’t have to stop and fight. I think there’s a clear improvement
and I hope we will follow this direction, an intensification, a
profound learning of public policies, of less state, the
agenda of our dear MBL. Less state, less bureaucracy. The left-wing got punched hard and
she’s not getting back the narrative even though the main official
agents, producers of narratives society are still leftist
and still articulated, mainly in schools
and universities. The nuisance of the left is that
this kind of attitude, narrative, was theirs exclusively, and
now they have opponents playing at the same level, right? Doing what is called cultural
warfare. It’s from the game. Save your drama for the llama. There is a strange feeling
of accomplished mission when you return home. The victory for the Representatives
defined the fate of Dilma Rousseff. Months later, the Senate only
endorsed the result. Many people thought those people in
yellow would vanish of the streets or simply stop talking politics.
Did not happen. Unlike Dilma, we survived
impeachment, gained new friends, we lived new adventures.
We fought for major reforms. But not everything is perfect. We live in a divided and
insensate country. It looks like a war without
respite, in which the loudest ones set the tone and common
sense is nonexistent. Is it our fault? In part, yes. They are the pains of growth. We don’t know what’ll happen
in the future, but we know what we don’t want. Democracy has become fun, and
with all the mistakes and pains, it started to make sense
to a lot of people. That’s why there was no coup,
and that’s why we’re still here. Dilma was pushed back and
Michel Temer, from MDB, became President of the Republic until
the end of his tenure. It was 2 more years of tension,
political scandals and instability. In spite of that, liberal
renovations were updated, like the spending limit,
Labor and Retirement. Paulo Eduardo Martins was one
of the accountants for the end of the union tax, protocoling
his bill in his few months of tenure. He was stilly re-elected in 2018. Janaína Paschoal became one of the
impeachment and anti-corruption icons. Shined through the heated debates
in the Senate and was elected as state congresswoman with
more than two million votes. Fernando Holiday stopped viewing
his friends as alienated playboys. He was elected the youngest
city councilor in São Paulo’s history and reported the Social Security
Reform in his city, when he was only 21. Kim Kataguiri was elected the fifth
most voted congressman in the country. Continued his studies, became
commentator and writer. One of the main names in the Congress,
and still the same nerd asian as ever. Eduardo Cunha ended up in jail;
Lula too. After years of investigating, convicting,
the Lava Jato was still alive, and the dynamic of political
forces changed in the country. Dilma runned for the Senate
in 2018, but wasn’t elected. We live in a country where, for bad
or good, people have to be heard. It’s a more intense, troubled,
divided country. But it’s a country where its people
figured out that, in some way, they can decide their fate. We’ll all make mistakes on
the run. It’s part of it. But we’ll only know if we’ll try. And one can only try if free. It seems kinda cliche to say
that the path matters more than the
end, but in the end, The path is far more exciting
than the end itself. That’s because when we see the
Senate vote, for instance, everyone knew what was
going to happen, that Dilma was leaving,
it all had passed. The deal had been the trajectory,
manifestation, march and such, that’s the bulk of the historical
event, not the fact itself. One of the actions that I stayed,
everybody went to the street, or to the Congress, or in Brasilia
or São Paulo and I was alone in an agency in Brasilia that had
the vision of Congress, and it was something like this: “Cool, impeachment is being
approved and all”, but I was alone in the
office at that time. There was no one by
my side there to hug, celebrate. I posted a meme, got my cell
phone, went to the hall, called my dad crying,
“We did it!”, and that was it. As I had to record, I was on
the truck there, recording the final scene,
everyone celebrating. Everybody voted, everybody
hugging, everybody crying and I up there recording. I remember I waved with my arm, I
saw Fred from the monitor, he waved back and it was kind of lonely moment
of mine, different than everybody was living at that time. It actually had several moments
that Alexandre couldn’t hold back this anguish. He had to drop the camera and
participate, but he was right, he really had this leadership
persona and he did this role well and at those times, I was the
one in charge of recording that to tell this story. I saw MBL celebrating now,
Revoltados Online couldn’t because the pressure was tremendous,
it was pressure on my family, of my children, do you understand?
I was very worried at that time. Today I am a completely
different person, I am knowledgeable about
Brazilian politics due to MBL. It really changed my life
and it changed my life because of a 33-day
march to Brasilia. It’s unfortunate that a lot of what
we planted have been used by many opportunistic people,
in the last election. We plowed a land, then came a lot
of people who, many times, didn’t leave home to go
to a demonstration. When it end, people will say,
“Hey, what now? What happened to MBL? ” The MBL is much larger, not only
MBL as movement, but all its members are better known, more
influential, smarter and guiding much more the reforms that
will change the future of Brazil. So I think this set of things,
this crazy thing. You get here there are dirty cups
of coffee, a funkeiro reading philosophical works, Suddenly, a deputy passes,
a minister calls here. This set is what makes
MBL so, not plural, be so versatile
and pragmatic. MBL struck me as what was most
genuine, authentic and innovative in the way of doing politics,
of putting their agenda, of mobilization. So it
interested me a lot. Only those who lived MBL from the
inside know the every day chaos, and we make this chaos work. MBL is something that
transcends anyone, transcends any individualism,
it is a much bigger thing. MBL is a real idea and this idea
had the resilience needed to make all this happen and I’m sure
it will have the resilience to keep making so many
other things happen. I think we managed to transform
public opinion and provoke the people’s reaction against a public
opinion that was already formed. We already broke this, I imagined
it was a thing of 10 or 20 years, but the truth is that MBL’s
boys went in for all. I think the election of MBL’s boys,
Kim, Holiday, “Mamãe Falei”, it’s also very important, there
is no way we can change politics if we don’t change
politicians, right? We have seen a change in
attitude of people who today, people no longer know the
lineup of the football team but know the name of the
Ministers of the Supreme. And we turned this population
into a political fanatic, someone who cares. They are not hostages to the
newspaper “X”, the newspaper “Y”, no! They can go to an MBL page
and seek some MBL leadership. in your city, get a book
referral, get a youtube video from some thinker,
some opinion maker. It’s in the streets, it’s in
universities, it’s in bars, it’s in conversations, it’s in
family groups and that’s awesome. There is another side and we need
to show this side in a light way, in a way that works and have
accessible comunnication to everyone. MBL was the driving force of this. The moment where people meet and
say “enough” and now we will start to handle with this social,
political and economic process in the history of Brazil. They remained active in politics,
2018 election showed this, and no doubt impeachment was a turning
point there for these people. I think this whole process of change
made people see that it was worth taking the butt off the chair
to make a difference, we had results. I’m sure impeachment would have
happened have I not participated, but if everyone had thought that,
the impeachment would not be possible. So regardless the polarization
that occurred after or even before, Everybody can discuss
politics better today. It’s not only the left that can
have the street, the street does not belong to them.
We showed this with the impeachment. So we had two initial goals:
Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment and chain for Lula,
The Bearded Frog, who is in jail! The impeachment, broke a social
paradigm, besides being – the great political victory.
– Impeachment has been and always will be the breath
of freedom for the Brazilian people. I hear it’s a ladder and we just
climbed the first step and there’s a lot
to do now, right? We’re in a moment
of reconstruction, and this was an important moment. Impeachment was the proof that when
you love and when you want to do something, you have to give it all
up and fight shamelessly and not afraid to
do the things you value. The most MBL taught me was
this, the value of friends and people’s relationship,
even to change a country. In such a short time, we made huge
demonstrations, I became known by hundreds of thousands of
people across the country, we overthrew a President of Republic
and after all that I was still elected the youngest Councilman of the
largest city of the country, São Paulo. And all of this in
practically two years. It is an unbelievable thing. If it were a fiction story, I
think it would be so unbelievable that no one would buy it, ’cause
no child could imagine changes that big in so little time. I couldn’t imagine, my family
couldn’t imagine and maybe who watching this documentary
right now could not imagine.

63 thoughts on “Não Vai Ter Golpe! O Nascimento de um Brasil Livre!”

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